Middle East Press Freedom
a compilation of the U.S. State Department's annual Human Rights Report

These are the sections on Freedom of Speech and the Press taken from the 2003 Human Rights Report issued February 25, 2004 by the Department of State of the United States.

The report, entitled "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices," is submitted to the Congress by the Department of State in compliance with sections 116(d) and 502B(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (FAA), as amended, and section 504 of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended. The law provides that the Secretary of State shall transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, by February 25 "a full and complete report regarding the status of internationally recognized human rights, within the meaning of subsection (A) in countries that receive assistance under this part, and (B) in all other foreign countries which are members of the United Nations and which are not otherwise the subject of a human rights report under this Act."

Algeria

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and press; however, the Government restricted these rights in practice. The Penal Code imposed high fines and prison terms of up to 24 months for defamation or "insult" of government figures, including the President, members of Parliament, judges, members of the military and "any other authority of public order." Those convicted face prison sentences that range from 3 to 24 months and fines of $715 to 7,150 (50,000 to 500,000 dinars). During the year, at least 96 prosecutions occurred under the Penal Code.

The law specifies that freedom of speech must respect "individual dignity, the imperatives of foreign policy, and the national defense." The State of Emergency decree gives the Government broad authority to restrict these freedoms and to take legal action against what it considers to be threats to the state or public order. These regulations were applied throughout the year, and in some instances appeared to target specific media organizations and their staff. The number of independent press publications prosecuted or fined for reporting on security matters continued to increase from the previous year. The 2002 proposal to have fledgling newspapers screened by the Ministry of the Interior and Ministry of Justice, as opposed to the Ministry of Communication and Culture remained unimplemented. In general journalists exercised self-censorship by not publishing criticism of specific senior military officials, although during the year, the press widely criticized current and retired military officers. In August, the Government overtly used its power to halt newspaper publications and actively attempted to curtail local media criticism of high-ranking government officials, including President Bouteflika.

The country's independent media consists of nearly 40 publications that support or oppose the Government in varying degrees. Few papers have a circulation that exceeds 15,000, making the degree to which they are both financially and editorially independent questionable. El Moudjahid remains the sole state-owned paper. There were no newspapers owned by political parties, although Liberte, L'Expression, L'Autentique, and El-Borhane continued to report from an ideological perspective. Many parties, including legal Islamic political parties, had access to the independent press, in which they expressed their views without government interference. Opposition parties also disseminated information via the Internet and in communiqués.

Algerian radio and television were government owned, with coverage favoring President Bouteflika and the Government's policies. Opposition candidates were prevented from appearing on television or radio during the last quarter of the year in anticipation of the 2004 presidential elections.

Satellite-dish antennas were widespread, and millions of citizens had access to European and Middle Eastern broadcasting. The Government, on occasion, enforces restrictions on the publication of some books related to Tamazight and Amazigh culture through an increased reliance on bureaucratic hurdles. Government-owned radio continued to broadcast Tamazight language programming and government-owned television broadcasts a nightly news bulletin in this language.

The law permits the Government to levy fines and jail time against the press in a manner that restricts press freedom. However, in practice the existence of such did little to curb independent press reporting. Journalists were repeatedly subject to harassment, intimidation, or violence by police. During the past decade, terrorists and in some instances, security forces, frequently targeted the local media for supporting one side over the other.

In May, satirical political cartoonist for Liberte, Ali Dilem, was sentenced to a 6-month suspended jail sentence for defamation. The Ministry of National Defense sued Dilem, his editor, and the owner of the French independent daily paper Liberte on behalf of General Mohammed Lamari, alleging personal insult and defamation. On December 23, Dilem, received a suspended sentence of 4-months and fined $1,428 (100,000 dinars) for a cartoon criticizing the army published in April 2002. His publishing director and editor, Abrous Outoudert and Hacene Ouanndjeli, respectively were both fined $714 (50,000 dinars).

On December 27, police summoned anti-corruption writer for Le Soir d'Algeri, Djilali Hadadj, on charges of defamation.

In December, a regional court released journalist Hassan Bouras, an anti-corruption writer who had been sentenced to 2 years on a prison farm and a 5 year ban from working as a journalist on defamation charges against the El-Bayadh prosecutor, whom he reported was involved with corruption scandals.

In 2002, two journalists were brought before the court and censured for reporting on security force tactics used against terrorists in mountainous areas. A television journalist with National Radio and Television (RTN) was refused accreditation without explanation and barred from covering the October 2002 local elections. Despite inquiries on his behalf by RTN and other interested parties, the grounds of the refusal were not made public. There was no update in his case at year's end.

The Government continued to exercise pressure on the independent press through the state-owned advertising company which determined which independent newspapers could benefit from advertisements placed by state-owned companies. Advertising companies tended to provide significant amounts of advertising to publications with a strong anti-Islamist editorial line and to withhold advertising from newspapers on political grounds, even if such newspapers had large readerships or offered inexpensive advertising rates.

Despite a Government printing ban that targeted six papers during the summer, the independent press continued to comment regularly and openly, and expressed a wide range of views on significant issues such as presidential policies, political developments, terrorist violence, and surrenders under the amnesty program. However, some elements of the news media practiced self-censorship.

According to a 1994 inter-ministerial decree, independent newspapers may print security information only from official government bulletins carried by the government-controlled Algerian Press Service (APS). However, independent newspapers openly ignored the directive, and the trend toward increased openness on security force activities continued. The Government provided the press with more information about the security situation than in the past through increased communiqués. During the year, the Army also began to issue more communiqués to the press and occasionally invited journalists to the sites of confrontations with terrorists. The government-controlled press reported on terrorism in an increasingly straightforward and factual manner.

Most independent newspapers, continued to rely on the Government for printing presses and newsprint. On August 18, the government printing press refused to print five newspapers and supply newsprint stock to one other on the grounds of overdue debts. The Government called in the debts of French independent dailies Le Matin, Liberte, El Watan, and L'Expression and Arabic independent dailies Errai and El Khabar after the close of business and at the close of the work-week, announcing that each newspaper had 48 hours to pay delinquent bills. The majority of the targeted papers remained closed for 15 days. All resumed publishing by September 5, except the Arabic-language daily Errai.

The Government imposed restrictions on the international media's coverage of issues relating to "national security and terrorism." Over the course of 3 days in July, the Government deported four journalists for their coverage "outside of their hotel rooms" of released political prisoners Ali Belhadj and Abassi Madani. The Government threatened similar action against others who violated the guidelines of the Ministry of Communication communiqué forbidding media coverage of the prisoners' release (see Section 1.d.).

Unlike in previous years, the independent press reported openly about the Government's use of wiretaps, allegations of torture, government corruption, and human rights abuses related to the Kabylie region. There also was significant coverage of NGO activity aimed at publicizing government abuses committed in the past.

The Government continued a 2002 administrative ban, throughout the Ministries of Energy, Interior, Labor, Finance, and Justice, on the distribution of the newspapers Liberte, Le Matin, Le Soir, and El -Youm, for being critical of the Government.

The Government's definition of security information often extended beyond purely military matters to encompass broader political affairs. A 1995 ban barring FIS officials from making public statements remained in force at year's end.

The Government did not restrict academic freedom. Many artists, intellectuals, and university educators fled the country after widespread violence began in 1992; however, during the year, some continued to return. A growing number of academic seminars and colloquiums occurred without governmental interference. There were extensive visa issuance delays to international participants and refusal to allow international experts into the country (see Section 4).

Bahrain

The Constitution provides for the right to express and publish opinions "under the rules and conditions laid down by law, provided that the fundamental beliefs of Islamic doctrine are not infringed, the unity of the people is not prejudiced, and discord or sectarianism is not aroused." In practice, the Government limited this right, especially in the media.

Local press coverage and commentary on international issues was open, and discussion of local economic and commercial issues also was relatively unrestricted. However, representatives from the Information Ministry actively monitored and blocked local stories on sensitive matters, especially those fostering sectarianism or criticizing the royal family, the Saudi ruling family, and judges. On November 12, the new independent weekly newspaper "Al Ahad" issued its first edition.

The press covered controversial issues such as criticism of government policies, discussion of sectarian issues, unemployment, naturalization, government corruption, and housing more freely than before. However, criticism of the ruling family, and the Saudi ruling family and fostering sectarian divisions remained largely prohibited

The law provides for freedom of press and speech; however, the law, contains restrictions on these "rights." The law allows prison sentences for three general categories of offenses: criticizing the State's official religion, criticizing the King, and inciting actions that undermine state security. In addition, the law allows fines up to $5,300 (BD 2,000) for 14 other offenses, including publishing statements issued by a foreign state or organization before obtaining the consent of the Minister of Information, any news reports which may adversely affect the value of the national currency, any offense against a head of state maintaining diplomatic relations with the country, or offensive remarks towards an accredited representative of a foreign country because of acts connected with his post. One week after its issuance, the Prime Minister declared the law "frozen," and ordered that the Cabinet review the law. Although "frozen", the law continued to be enforced at the Government's discretion. All newspapers ran articles and editorials criticizing the law.

During the year, an amendment to the 2002 Press Law was drafted and submitted to the Ministry of Information. When the amendment was brought to the National Assembly for ratification, only 14 of the 40 recommendations submitted to the Ministry of Information were included in the amendment. The omitted recommendations involved reducing the Government's power to intervene administratively to punish journalists, and to transfer punishment for transgression of the law to the judiciary. Journalists requested that the Government remove criminal penalties from the press law. The National Assembly took no action on the amendment.

Three separate court cases against the country's newspapers were brought by the Government under the "frozen law." A group of Shari'a court judges brought a criminal case against the Editor-in-Chief of an Arabic daily newspaper for reporting criticism of the Shari'a court lodged by women's rights activists (see Section 1.e.). 11 Shari'a court judges charged a group of six with libel and slander who now face criminal prosecution and prison sentences. No sentences were issued by year's end.

The case of one of the defendants, Editor in Chief Anwar Abdulrahman of newspaper "Akhbar Al Khaleej" is being handled separately from the other five. He won a verdict from the High Court of Appeal to suspend his trial and pass the case to the Constitutional Court, challenging the constitutionality of the press, judicial authority, and criminal procedures laws.

During the year, the Editor-in-Chief, Mansour Al Jamry, of the independent newspaper "Al-Wasat," was interrogated and sentenced to either one month in jail or a $2,650 (BD 1,000) fine for allegedly publishing sensitive information on an ongoing investigation of a locally-based terrorist cell. His colleague was also fined $2650 (BD 1,000). His case is on appeal. Al Jamry has appealed his case to the Constitutional Court citing discrepancies in the procedural enactment of the Press, Judicial Authority and Criminal Procedures laws.

On September 24, Editor-in-Chief Radhi Mouhsin Almousawi of "The Democrat" newsletter published by the National Democratic Action Society appeared before the court for an article he wrote about corruption in the tourism sector and allegations against an unnamed tourism inspector. Almousawi has also appealed his case to the Constitutional Court citing discrepancies in the procedural enactment of the Press, Judicial Authority and Criminal Procedures laws.

There were reports that two journalists were suspended for 7 to 10 days in 2002; however, it was not clear if these punishments were handed out under the authority of the new press law. Other journalists were reportedly suspended during the year, and journalists have said that editors refused to publish pieces they wrote that criticized the Government or took positions the editor disapproved.

Individuals expressed critical opinions openly regarding some domestic political and social issues in private settings and occasionally on state-run television call-in shows and increasingly in organized public forums. Some did criticize leading government officials. Public demonstrations increased over foreign policy, unemployment, family status law, housing shortages, and human rights abuses. These were covered in the print media but not on government-owned television.

Under of the 2002 Publication Laws, the Ministry of Information seized in February copies of "Mohammed's Character," a book considered blasphemous for insulting the character of the Prophet Mohammed.

On November 4, the Ministry of Information confiscated a new book, "Bahrain: From an Emirate to a Kingdom," written by Ahmed Manisi and published by the Centre for Political and Strategic Studies in Egypt. The book was originally a master's thesis that criticizes the absence in the 2002 Constitution of balance between the legislative branch and the executive branch.

On October 19, the Ministry of Information confiscated all copies of issue 19 of Al Mushahid Al Siyasi magazine. The magazine was published by BBC in London. Issue 19's cover piece reported on the political naturalization issue.

The 2002 Election Law regulated candidates' political activities, prohibiting speeches at most public locations and limiting the areas where campaign materials could be placed. However, these regulations were only sporadically enforced.

The Information Ministry controlled local broadcast media and exercised considerable control over local print media, except Al-Wasat, even though newspapers were privately owned. The Government generally afforded foreign journalists access to the country and did not limit their contacts. However, the Government continued to ban correspondents from the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera satellite television channel, accusing the station of using sensationalized and one-sided coverage to project unfairly a negative image of the Government.

The Bahrain Journalists' Association, formed in 2000, had a significant majority of government employees from the Information Ministry and was not an independent organization protecting journalists' rights and interests.

The Government owned and operated all local radio and television stations. Radio and television broadcasts in Arabic and Farsi from neighboring countries and Egypt were received without interference. Al-Jazeera was available in the country via satellite.

On October 21, a foreign correspondent advised that the Ministry of Information threatened to expel the correspondent if he did not retract his draft article on political naturalization in the country. The correspondent reportedly withdrew the story. On December 18, another foreign correspondent was threatened with expulsion if he did not reveal his source for his story on a December 17 illegal political demonstration that turned violent when demonstrators attacked police who mobilized to keep the event under control. When he reportedly refused, the correspondent's regional bureau chief intervened with the Information Minister to keep the correspondent in the country.

The National Telephone Company (BATELCO) provided access to the Internet. E-mail use was unimpeded, although it was subject to monitoring (see Section 1.f.). More than one-third of the population used the Internet. There are 140,000 hotmail accounts in the country. Many districts of Manama have cyber cafes and there are 80 chat rooms visited by over 1,000 persons daily. It is estimated that 22 percent of the population owns personal computers.

Although there were no formal regulations limiting academic freedom, in practice academics avoided contentious political issues, and the university did not have a political science program. University hiring and admissions policies favored Sunnis and others who were assumed to support the Government, rather than focusing on professional experience and academic qualifications. However, there continued to be some improvement in the hiring of qualified individuals in a nondiscriminatory manner during the year. A few Shi'a professors, including women, were hired. Larger numbers of Shi'a students were accepted into the national university, but this was still a smaller proportion than in the general population.

In April, a university professor published an academic study on freedom of expression that showed that the Internet allowed the most freedom of expression because it is not generally subject to monitoring and censoring, although some expressed annoyance that some websites had been closed down or banned. Respondents indicated that television and radio stations only express views in agreement with the Government. The "Al-Ayam" article stated that, during the 2002 Council of Representative elections, the news media carried shows and hosted guests without allowing election boycotters to express their views. The study also suggested that respondents believe that local newspapers have improved, but the country did not yet have a truly free press because newspapers are still reluctant to publish views that do not correspond with the Government's policies.

Egypt

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government partially restricted these rights in practice. The Government used the Emergency Law to infringe on citizens' civil liberties. Citizens openly expressed their views on a wide range of political and social issues, including vigorous criticism of government officials and policies, but generally avoided certain topics, such as direct criticism of the President. Journalists and writers practiced self-censorship.

Ending a long-standing legal case that had broad implications for freedom of expression and human rights advocacy, the Court of Cassation on March 18 acquitted Saad Eddin Ibrahim and his codefendants on charges of defaming the state and illegally accepting foreign funds.

The Constitution restricts ownership of newspapers to public or private legal entities, corporate bodies, and political parties. There are numerous restrictions on legal entities that seek to establish their own newspapers, including a limit of 10 percent ownership by any individual; however, this appears to have been sporadically applied.

The Government owned stock in the three of the largest daily newspapers, and the President appointed their editors in chief. These papers generally followed the government line. The Government also held a monopoly on the printing and distribution of newspapers, including those of the opposition parties. The Government used its monopolistic control of newsprint to limit the output of opposition publications.

Opposition political parties published their own newspapers but received a subsidy from the Government and, in some cases, subsidies from foreign interests as well. Most opposition newspapers were weeklies, with the exception of the dailies Al-Wafd and Al-Ahrar, both of which had small circulation. Opposition newspapers frequently published criticism of the Government. They also gave greater prominence to human rights abuses than did state-run newspapers.

On July 30, the Press Syndicate held its board elections which were generally considered to be credible and transparent. Nasserist Galal Aref was elected president of the board. Twelve other members were elected including four Muslim Brothers, three Nasserists/leftists, and five journalists considered supporters of the Government.

On June 11, the Higher Council for the Press at the Shura Council approved the registration of eight new newspapers. On July 8, the same body approved the registration of an additional 20 newspapers and magazines. On December 30, the Higher Council for the Press approved the registration of 10 new newspapers.

These actions brought the total number of licensed periodicals in the country to 518, including 64 national papers, 40 opposition party papers, seven private newspapers, 252 "specialized" publications, 142 scientific journals, and 67 local publications.

On July 4, the Ministry of Interior acting without court order banned distribution of the second issue of the Al Saada newspaper, which was associated with the Takaful Party. State Security officials summoned paper chairman and party secretary-general Essam Abdel Razzak, and told him that the Government objected to the paper's editorial policy.

In September, the Government issued a ban on the London-based Arabic newspaper Al-Quds al-Araby following its publication of an article perceived to be critical of the Egyptian presidency. On November 23, the Arab Program for Human Rights Activists issued a statement condemning a decision by the council of Ministers to extend the ban to year's end.

Because of the difficulties in obtaining a license, several publishers of newspapers and magazines aimed at a domestic audience obtained foreign licenses. The Department of Censorship in the Ministry of Information has the authority to censor or halt their distribution.

The Supreme Constitutional Court still had not reached a decision on a 1999 legal challenge to the constitutionality of the Information Ministry's censorship of offshore publications. The Supreme Constitutional Court began hearing the case in 2000 and held another hearing in January, but still had not issued a decision by year's end.

The Penal Code, Press Law, and Publications Law govern press issues. The Penal Code stipulates fines or imprisonment for criticism of the President, members of the Government, and foreign heads of state. The Supreme Constitutional Court agreed in 1998 to review the constitutionality of those articles of the Penal Code that specify imprisonment as a penalty for journalists convicted of libel, but had not begun hearing the case by year's end. The Press and Publication Laws ostensibly provide protection against malicious and unsubstantiated reporting. In recent years, opposition party newspapers have published within limits articles critical of the President and foreign heads of state without being charged or harassed. However, the Government continued to charge journalists with libel. An editor-in-chief found to be negligent could be considered criminally responsible for libel contained in any portion of the newspaper.

During the year, the courts tried a number of prominent cases of slander, filed both by government officials and private citizens. For example, on March 1, a court of misdemeanors dismissed a libel suit brought by businessman Naguib Sawaris in 2002 against Adel Hamoud and Essam Fahmy, the editor and publisher of the tabloid Sawt al-Umma.

On March 4, the misdemeanor court of appeals overturned a lower court ruling fining the tabloid, Sawt el-Umma, $1,670 (10,000 LE) in another civil case brought by Sawaris.

On June 1, the Court of Cassation upheld a lower court decision to imprison Mustafa and Mahmoud Bakry, the editor and deputy editor of the tabloid al-Osboa, in a libel suit brought by Mohamed Abdel Aal, head of the Social Justice Party and editor of al-Watan al-Arabi newspaper. On June 24, the Bakry brothers filed a motion to dismiss the case against them, noting Abdel Aal's May 25 indictment by another court on charges of bribery and extortion. The motion resulted in the Bakry's interim release.

On June 24 and 25, a civil court dismissed two libel cases against Al-Osboa journalist Ateya Hussein, each seeking $164,000 (1,000,000 LE) in damages.

On July 6, the office of the Public Prosecutor began reviewing a libel case brought by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Agriculture Youssef Wally against Ahmed Ezz Eddine, a journalist from the tabloid Al-Osboa. Wally accused Ezz Eddine of wrongly accusing him of perjury and corruption. On October 5, the Public Prosecutor referred the case to Cairo criminal court for trial.

On July 20, a criminal court dismissed a libel case brought by an academic official against journalist Mustafa Soliman of the tabloid Al-Osboa.

On July 24, a State Security Emergency Court sentenced Talaat Hashem, editor of Misr al-Fatah newspaper, to 1-year imprisonment for publishing a newspaper without a license. Misr al-Fatah's license was frozen in the mid-1990s, but the paper continued to publish for some time.

On December 1, Mustafa Bakry, Chief Editor of the tabloid al-Osboa, filed a lawsuit with the office of the Public Prosecutor accusing activist Saad Eddin Ibrahim of working for a foreign government in exchange for financial support. One week later, Ibrahim filed a libel suit against Bakry. The investigation was ongoing at year's end.

Under the law, the Public Prosecutor may issue a temporary ban on the publication of news pertaining to cases involving national security in order to protect the confidentiality of the cases. The length of the ban is based on the length of time required for the prosecution to prepare its case.

On December 30, the Public Prosecutor issued a press ban on an ongoing corruption investigation involving the director of the National Heart Institute.

The law provides penalties for individuals who disclose information about the State during emergencies, including war and natural disasters. The penalties include fines of up to $1,000 (approximately 6,000 LE) and prison sentences of up to 3 years. There were no reports that the law was applied during the year.

The law prohibits current or former members of the police from publishing work-related information without prior permission from the Interior Minister.

The law authorizes various ministries to ban or confiscate books and other works of art upon obtaining a court order. There were no court-ordered book confiscations during the year. However, during the Cairo International book Fair in January, the censorship department banned entry of copies of "Zorba the Greek," by Nikos Kazantzakis, and "The Unbearable Lightness of Being" and "Life is in Another Place" by Milan Kundera, both printed in Arabic by a Lebanese publisher. Other titles denied entry into the country were "The Yearning Flying Creatures" by Edward Kharrat, "Satan's Paradise" by Nawal el-Saadawi, and "Life is Better than Heaven" a memoir by a repentant former member of the IG.

On June 23, the North Cairo Court overturned a decision by the Public Prosecutors office to arrest author Mohamed Abdel Salam El 'Amry and confiscate his book "Beauties: A Novel of Knowledge." The court ordered the release of the book and the writer.

On July 13, the South Cairo Court ordered the confiscation of the book series "The Jurisprudence of the Sunna" by the late Sheikh Mohammed Sayyed Sabek. The series was reprinted by a publishing house without the permission of the heirs.

In December, following international expressions of concern, the special collections section of the Alexandria Library removed a copy of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion" from a display case. In a statement, the director of the library denied allegations that the protocols had been displayed next to the Jewish Torah, but nonetheless stated that the inclusion of the protocols was a "bad judgment" and regretted any offense the incident might have caused.

The Ministry of Interior regularly confiscated leaflets and other works by Islamists and other critics of the State. Members of the illegal Muslim Brotherhood also were arrested in connection with publications (see Sections 1.d. and 3). In many cases, the press reported that police confiscated written materials such as leaflets during the arrests.

The Ministry of Interior sporadically prevented specific issues of foreign-published newspapers from entering the country on the grounds of protecting public order (see Section 1.f.). The Ministry of Defense may ban works about sensitive security issues. The Council of Ministers may order the banning of works that it deems offensive to public morals, detrimental to religion, or likely to cause a breach of the peace.

The Government controlled and censored the state-owned broadcast media. The Ministry of Information owned and operated all ground-based domestic television and radio stations. Two private satellite stations, al Mihwar and Dream TV, began broadcasting in 2001 and operated without direct government interference. The Government had a 20 percent financial stake in the first and a 10 percent stake in the second. The Government did not block reception of foreign channels via satellite. The percentage of citizens who received satellite television broadcasts has steadily grown but remained small, while many coffee shops and other public places offered satellite television.

Plays and films must pass Ministry of Culture censorship tests as scripts and as final productions.

The Ministry of Culture censored foreign films to be shown in theaters, but was more lenient regarding the same films in videocassette format. Government censors ensured that foreign films made in the country portrayed the country in a favorable light. On June 9, the Censorship Authority banned the film "The Matrix Reloaded" for public viewing. The authority justified the ban by saying that it dealt with creation and existence, issues considered religiously sensitive. The authority also cited the film's "excessive violence."

On November 5, the authority banned from viewing in the country the film "Bruce Almighty" "because it incarnates the Almighty by an actor."

On December 5, the censorship authority announced it would censor four Egyptian-made films featuring child actors because they "exploit youngsters for commercial against and contradict educational values." Censored scenes involved drugs, improper language, or violence.

Government and private industry experts estimated that approximately 2 million persons in the country were Internet users. The Government did not restrict Internet use and did not monitor citizens' Internet use on a broad scale, although law enforcement officials resulted in some prosecutions for crimes such as "incitement to commit debauchery" (see Section 1.f.).

During the year, other cases of arrest related to the Internet also have included homosexuals in police "sting" operations (see Sections 1.f. and 5).

The Government did not restrict directly academic freedom at universities; however, deans were government-appointed rather than elected by the faculty. The Government justified the measure as a means to combat Islamist influence on campus. Unlike in the past, the Government did not ban books for use on campuses during the year.

Iran

The Constitution provides for freedom of the press, except when published ideas are "contrary to Islamic principles, or are detrimental to public rights;" however, the Government restricted freedom of speech and of the press in practice. Since the election of President Khatami, the independent press, especially newspapers and magazines, played an increasingly important role in providing a forum for an intense debate regarding reform in the society. However, basic legal safeguards for freedom of expression did not exist, and the independent press was subjected to arbitrary enforcement measures by elements of the Government, notably the judiciary, which treated such debates as a threat.

The Government continued to harass senior Shi'a religious and political leaders and their followers who dissent from the ruling conservative establishment. In July 2002, the Friday prayer leader of Isfahan, Ayatollah Jalaleddin Taheri, resigned and, in a written statement, said he could no longer tolerate the corruption and repression of the country's clerical leadership. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic appoints Friday prayer leaders, who are the senior religious authorities in their districts. According to HRW, the conservative establishment attempted to limit the damage by restricting coverage of Taheri's statement.

In October, reformist parliamentarian and outspoken critic Mohsen Armin was sentenced to 6 months in prison for insulting a conservative parliament member, according to press reports. The judge reportedly also stripped Armin of his "social rights" for 1 year for not appearing in court. Armin ascribed his absence from court to his assumption that he held parliamentary immunity. At year's end, Armin had not been imprisoned.

In January 2002, reformist members of Parliament staged a walkout to protest pro-reform Parliamentarian Hossein Loqmanian's imprisonment, which led the Supreme Leader to pardon him after he had spent several weeks in prison. In late 2001, Loqmanian began serving a 13-month sentence for insulting the judiciary. He became the first Majlis member to serve a jail sentence.

In spring 2001, security forces arrested parliament member Fatima Haghighatjoo for inciting public opinion and insulting the judiciary for criticizing the arrest of a female journalist and claiming that the Government tortured prisoners. She was the first sitting Majlis member to face prosecution for statements made under cover of immunity. Haghighatjoo was sentenced to 17 months in prison, though she has not yet served time.

Newspapers and magazines represented a wide variety of political and social perspectives, many allied with members of the Government. Many subjects were tolerated, including criticism of certain government policies. However, the Press Law prohibits the publishing of a broad and ill-defined category of subjects, including material "insulting Islam and its sanctities" or "promoting subjects that might damage the foundation of the Islamic Republic." Prohibited topics include fault-finding comments regarding the personality and achievements of the late Leader of the Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini; direct criticism of the Supreme Leader; assailing the principle of velayat-e faqih, or rule by a supreme religious leader; questioning the tenets of certain Islamic legal principles; publishing sensitive or classified material affecting national security; promotion of the views of certain dissident clerics, including Ayatollah Montazeri; and advocating rights or autonomy for ethnic minorities.

The Press Law established the Press Supervisory Board, which is composed of the Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance, a Supreme Court judge, a Member of Parliament, and a university professor appointed by the Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance. The Board is responsible for issuing press licenses and for examining complaints filed against publications or individual journalists, editors, or publishers. In certain cases, the Press Supervisory Board may refer complaints to the Press Court for further action, including closure. Its hearings were conducted in public with a jury composed of clerics, government officials, and editors of government-controlled newspapers. The jury was empowered to recommend to the presiding judge the guilt or innocence of defendants and the severity of any penalty to be imposed, although these recommendations were not legally binding.

Since 2000, approximately 100 newspapers and magazines have been closed for varying lengths of time. In the last few years, some human rights groups asserted that the increasingly conservative Press Court assumed responsibility for cases before Press Supervisory Board consideration, often resulting in harsher judgments. Recent efforts to amend the press laws have not met with success, although in October, parliament passed a law limiting the duration of temporary press closures to a maximum of 10 days for newspapers, 4 weeks for weeklies or bi-weeklies, 2 months for monthlies, and 3 months for other publications. The importance of the legislation was to stop the practice of extending "temporary" bans indefinitely.

Public officials frequently lodged complaints against journalists, editors, and publishers. Offending writers were subject to lawsuits and fines. Suspension from journalistic activities and imprisonment were common punishments for guilty verdicts for offenses ranging from "fabrication" to "propaganda against the State" to "insulting the leadership of the Islamic Republic."

Freedom of the press continued to deteriorate during the year. Many newspapers and magazines were closed, and many of their managers were sentenced to jail and, sometimes, lashings. Several dozen pro-reform newspapers continued to publish, most with heavy self-censorship. When shut down, others often opened to take their place. A number of Internet news sites continued to operate from outside the country. There is little information on the extent of readership inside the country.

Dozens of individual editors and journalists have been charged and tried by the Press Court in recent years, and several prominent journalists were jailed for long periods without trial. Others have been sentenced to prison terms or exorbitant fines. At year's end, at least 10 journalists, editors, and publishers remained in prison, according to Reporters Without Borders (RSF). Journalists imprisoned during the year include: Ali-Reza Jabari, arrested in March and sentenced to 3 years in prison and 253 lashes; Iraj Jamshidi, imprisoned without trial and held mostly in isolation since July; Taghi Rahmani, held in solitary confinement since June and reportedly sentenced in a separate case to 13 years in jail; and Reza Alijani and Hoda Saber, both held since June, and reportedly sentenced in separate cases to 6 and 10 years, respectively. In October, journalist Mohsen Sazgara was released from jail amid rumors of ill health, after 4 months in prison on charges of inciting protest.

In January, the judiciary halted efforts by deputy speaker of the Majlis, Mohammad-Reza Khatami, to re-open the banned newspaper Norouz under the new name Rouz-e No, by extending the 6-month ban on the original publication. Khatami was slated to replace former Norouz editor and parliament member Mohsen Mirdamadi, who was sentenced despite parliamentary immunity in May 2002 to 6 months in jail and banned from practicing journalism for 4 years for "insulting the state, publishing lies, and insulting Islamic institutions." At year's end, there were no reports that Mirdamadi had been imprisoned.

In January, the newspaper Hayat-e No was banned and editor Alireza Eshraghi arrested after the paper reprinted a 1937 U.S. cartoon about President Franklin Roosevelt's battle with the Supreme Court. The authorities deemed that the judge portrayed too closely resembled the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The daily Hamshahri was also temporarily suspended in January after refusing to print an article from the chief of a state-run trade union.

In January, the Press Court also closed the reformist daily Bahar after the newspaper ran an article about a company whose shareholders include former president Hashemi Rafsanjani, former judiciary head Ayatollah Yazdi, and Ahmad Janati, head of the Council of the Guardians of the Revolution. Bahar was first closed in 2000 and had only re-opened in December 2002.

In February, according to AI, Abbas Abdi and Hussein Qazian, were sentenced to 8 and 9 years, respectively, in the National Institute for Research Studies and Opinion Polls case. In April, an appeals court reduced the sentences to 4 years and 6 months for each. The third defendant in the case, Behrouz Geranpayeh, was reportedly released on bail in January, pending a final ruling. The case originated in October 2002, when the judicial authorities closed the Institute which had found in a poll commissioned by the Majlis that a majority of citizens supported dialogue with the United States. The defendants were charged with spying for the United States, illegal contacts with foreign embassies, working with anti-regime groups, and carrying out research on the order of a foreign polling organization. Government intelligence officials had publicly stated that the accused were not spies. According to press reports, President Khatami also rejected the charges, stating that the Intelligence and Foreign Ministries had cleared the pollsters' work. Reformist parliamentarians were reportedly barred from the court and the defendants were not allowed to see their families or their attorneys.

In October, RSF reported that the Government closed the newspaper Avay-e Kordestan, marking the first time a Kurdish language newspaper was banned in the country.

The Government directly controlled and maintained a monopoly over all television and radio broadcasting facilities; programming reflected the Government's political and socio-religious ideology. Because newspapers and other print media had a limited circulation outside large cities, radio and television served as the principal news source for many citizens. Satellite dishes that received foreign television broadcasts were forbidden; however, many citizens, particularly the wealthy, owned them. In December 2002, the Majlis passed a bill legalizing private ownership of satellite receiving equipment. However, the Guardians Council rejected the legislation in January on constitutional and religious grounds. The Government reportedly acted to block foreign satellite transmissions during the year using powerful jamming signals (see Section 1.f.).

The Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance was in charge of screening books prior to publication to ensure that they did not contain offensive material. However, some books and pamphlets critical of the Government were published without reprisal. The Ministry inspected foreign printed materials prior to their release on the market. In August, author of "Iran's women Musicians," Toka Maleki, its publisher Jaafar Homai, and cultural critic Banafsheh Samgis received prison terms for publishing and publicly commenting on the book, which was deemed to contain "lies" about Islamic history. Translator of the book, "Women behind Veil and Well-Dressed Men," Maliheh Moghazei and Ministry of Culture and the Islamic Guidance Director General Majid Sayyad also received prison terms in connection with the book's publication.

The Government effectively censored domestic films, since it remained the main source of production funding. Producers must submit scripts and film proposals to government officials in advance of funding approval. However, such government restrictions appeared to have eased in recent years.

The Government censored Internet sites. In May, a government spokesman acknowledged state attempts to block access to "immoral" websites. The judiciary also announced the creation of a special unit to handle Internet-related issues. According to press reporting, the judiciary highlighted over twenty subject areas to be blocked, including: insulting Islam, opposing the Constitution, insulting the Supreme Leader or making false accusations about officials, undermining national unity and solidarity, creating pessimism among the people regarding the Islamic system, and propagating prostitution and drugs.

The Government restricted academic freedom. Government informers were common on university campuses. Admission to universities was politicized; all applicants had to pass "character tests" in which officials screened out applicants critical of the Government's ideology. To obtain tenure, professors had to refrain from criticism of the authorities.

Israel

The cumulative rulings of the Supreme Court provide for freedom of speech. The Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance of 1948 prohibits persons from expressing support for illegal organizations. On occasion, the Government prosecuted persons for allegedly speaking or writing on behalf of terrorist groups.

All newspapers were privately owned and managed. Newspaper licenses were valid only for Israel; separate licenses were required to distribute publications in areas in the occupied territories still under the Government's authority. There were 12 daily newspapers, 90 weekly newspapers, more than 250 periodical publications, and 8 Internet news sites.

Directed by a government appointee, the quasi-independent Israel Broadcast Authority controlled television Channel 1 and Kol Israel (Voice of Israel) radio, both major sources of news and information. There were two privately owned commercial television channels. The Second Television and Radio Authority, a public body that also supervised 14 private radio stations, supervises both channels. There were five cable television companies that carried both domestic and international networks and produced shows specifically for the Israeli audience.

In 2001, the Attorney General announced that he would file an indictment against Knesset Member Azmi Bishara for making statements perceived by some as supportive of Hizballah during Bishara's June visit to Syria (a country still in a state of war with Israel) and during a 2000 visit to the Israeli-Arab city of Umm al-Fahm. In November 2001, the Knesset voted to lift Bishara's immunity so that he could face prosecution. In November, the Nazareth Magistrate Court decided in a preliminary hearing to uphold the charges against Bishara. At year's end, the case was still pending.

The law prohibits hate speech and incitement to violence and individuals, groups, and the press freely addressed public issues and criticized government policies and officials without reprisal. In the past, the Government has investigated a significantly higher number of Arab Members of the Knesset (MKs) than Jewish MKs for the use of hate speech and incitement to violence; however, during the year, there were no reports that the Government investigated any Arab or Jewish MK.

In November, a three-member Supreme Court panel unanimously ruled that the Film Censorship Board's decision to prohibit the screening of the film "Jenin, Jenin" violated freedom of speech. The film depicts fighting in the West Bank refugee camp of Jenin during April 2002. In response to an appeal by the Attorney General, the State Prosecutor, soldiers who fought in Jenin, and families of soldiers who died there, the Supreme Court issued a temporary injunction in December barring the screening of the controversial film until the court decided whether to rehear the case before an expanded panel. Critics claimed that the film contains lies about the events and incites violence against Israel.

The law provides for freedom of the press, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. The law authorizes the Government to censor any material reported from Israel or the occupied territories that it regards as sensitive on national security grounds. Foreign correspondents and news agencies complained of harassment by the Government Press Office (GPO), which falls under the Prime Minister's office. Specifically, foreign agencies complained that their Palestinian employees, whom the agencies claimed were necessary for adequate coverage of events in the territories, were denied press cards (and thereby unable to travel unhindered in the occupied territories) for no valid reason. Since January 2002, the Government has denied press credentials to all Palestinians, based on security grounds. Press credentials were not required in Israel or the occupied territories; however, they were important to facilitate access to official events. As a general rule, Israeli journalists/technicians cover the occupied territories only under IDF protection.

Foreign and domestic media harshly criticized the GPO's proposed eligibility rules for Israeli and foreign journalists as a Government attempt to control the press. The new eligibility rules published in November would have required Israeli and foreign journalists to fill out a 25-page application as well as to a pay a fee. The GPO would provide copies of the applications to the ISA for security checks while the GPO examined them. The GPO indicated that it could revoke passes already granted if the ISA found unspecified derogatory information. In the past, only Palestinian journalists were subject to a vetting process by the ISA. After meeting with press representatives, the GPO rescinded the controversial rules.

The security forces detained without charge several foreign media employees. On April 24, security forces arrested without charge Agence France-Presse photographer Hossam Abu Alan, and on April 30, Reuters cameraman Yusri Al Jamal. Both were released 6 months later without charge. Abu Alan's equipment was confiscated and never returned. Security forces also detained without charge other Palestinians working for foreign agencies. Most were released shortly thereafter. None were charged and they were told only that their detention was based on their alleged assistance to terrorist organizations.

In 2002, the Ministry of Interior closed an Israeli-Arab newspaper, Sawt al-Haqq Wal-Hurriya. The newspaper was affiliated with the northern branch of the Islamic movement in the country and had previously published articles the Government believed supported terrorism. The newspaper has since been allowed to open and continued to publish regularly during the year. A censorship agreement between the Government and media representatives, and applicable to all media organizations in the country, provided that military censorship was to be applied only in cases involving national security issues that had a near certainty of harming the country's defense interests. All media organizations may appeal the censor's decision to the High Court of Justice. Moreover, a clause prohibits the military censor from closing a newspaper for censorship violations and from appealing a court judgment against it. News previously printed or broadcast abroad may be reported in Israel without the censor's review, which permits the media to run previously censored stories that have appeared in foreign sources.

During the year, journalists and professional journalist groups claimed that the Government placed limitations on their freedom of movement within the occupied territories, between the West Bank and Gaza, and between the occupied territories and Israel during violent unrest. The Government and security forces have stated that they did not target journalists due to their profession; however, three journalists were killed, and at least five were injured while covering events in the occupied territories during the year (see Section 2.a. of the annex).

The GPO, on security grounds, required foreign journalists to sign an agreement stating that they would submit to the military censor certain news stories and photographs; however, they rarely were challenged for not doing so. In practice, foreign and Israeli journalists sometimes submitted articles and photographs for military censorship; however, the requirement was not systematically followed or enforced, live broadcasts precluded such submission. The military censor decides whether a violation has occurred after the fact. In December, two major Israeli papers were fined for failing to submit material to the censor.

The Government generally respected academic freedom; however, the Government continued to interfere with the education of Israeli-Arab students because a member of the ISA monitored and approved the appointment of teachers and administrators in Arab schools.

Jordan

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government imposed some restrictions on these rights in practice. The Government detained and restricted journalists based on the provisions of a 2001 law broadening its authority; however, in April the Government repealed some of these amendments.

The Press and Publications Law and the Press Association Law imposed stringent restrictions on the operation of newspapers. The Government also intimidated journalists to encourage self-censorship. Citizens may be prosecuted for slandering the royal family, the Government, or foreign leaders, and for "sowing sedition." Citizens generally did not hesitate to criticize the Government openly, but exercised caution with regard to the King, the royal family, and the GID. The Press and Publications Law and the law governing the Jordan Press Association (JPA) require membership in the JPA for persons to be considered "legal" journalists or editors, thus potentially excluding dozens of practicing journalists from the profession. During the year, the Government selectively enforced this provision, allowing several journalists and editors who are not members to work in their respective fields.

In November, the Government allegedly censored a political cartoon in the weekly newspaper Al-Wahda. The Government denied the charge, and some commentators accused Al-Wahda's editor, Mowaffaq Mahadeen, of trying to get the Government to shut down his publication to suit his own needs. In September, the general prosecutor of the State Security Court reportedly banned the September 23 issue of Al-Wahda.

The Press and Publications Law granted the Government wide discretionary powers to issue fines, withdraw licenses, order shutdowns, and control the editorial content of newspapers. However, the 1999 amendments to the Press and Publications Law limited to some extent the Government's discretion to issue fines, transferred the power to withdraw licenses to the judiciary, limited significantly the Government's power to order shutdowns, allowed journalists to cover court proceedings unless the court ruled otherwise, and required publications to be licensed. The Law imposed strict limits on publications, which gave the Government broad leeway to impose sanctions. The law also requires that the editor in chief of a newspaper be a citizen who permanently resides in the country and a member of the JPA for at least 4 years. Journalists allege that the Government uses informants and censors at printing presses to inform the Government if particularly objectionable material is slated for print in the news media.

The 2001 amendments to the Penal Code reinforced existing restrictions on free speech and allowed for the prosecution of any person found to have written, published, or aired any statements that could be construed to harm or incite to harm or insult individuals or "the state's reputation and dignity." Imprisonment of 3 years is punishment for defamation of the King or Royal Family. In April, the Government repealed the amendments giving the State Security Court the authority to temporarily or permanently close any media outlet that published or aired any such statements, and providing for the automatic subjection of the laws' violators to trial before the Court.

Journalists also may be prosecuted before the State Security Court for criminal and security violations. Although a substantial number of cases were dismissed before trial, some cases lingered in the courts for years. The Government routinely used detention and prosecution or the threat of prosecution to intimidate journalists into self-censorship (see Section 1.d.).

On February 17, three journalists were sentenced for "blaspheming the Prophet Mohammad" in an article that insulted the Prophet Mohammad and contained "false rumors," "insulted the dignity of the state," and caused instability--all of which are crimes under the penal code. The article drew strong criticism from Islamist politicians. The court closed the publication for 2 months and the three were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 2 to 6 months. The journalists had been detained since January 16. On February 18, two of the journalists, Nasser Qamash and Roman Haddad, were released. After serving his sentence, the article's author, Mohannad Mubaidin, was released and continued to practice journalism.

In 2002, the editor and publisher of the weekly Al-Bilad were detained for publishing "false news" and later released.

In April 2002, Al-Jazeera correspondent Mahmoud Al Housa was detained for 3 days, apparently under the provisions of the Press law. In the same month a local newspaper reporter covering demonstrations in Sweileh claimed that he was detained, threatened, and "manhandled" by government security forces (see Section 1.c.). In August 2002, he claimed that government authorities seized his passport and threatened him with prosecution.

In August 2002, the Government closed the local office of Al Jazeera network and suspended the media credentials of local correspondents. The office reopened in March.

Also in August 2002, journalist Mamoun Al Rousan, editor-in-chief of the weekly Al Jazeera, was arrested and detained. Both Al Roussan and his publisher, Sakher Abu Anzeh, were held for 1 week.

In 2001, the Government arrested seven members of the Anti-Normalization Committee, a group that opposes the country's relations with Israel, on charges of belonging to an illegal group (see Section 2.b.). The State Security Court also charged two of the seven with possession of explosives and with terrorist activities. All seven detainees were released on bail while awaiting trial. The trials had not yet begun by year's end. The related trial of journalists Ma'moun Al Roussan and Abdel Naser Hourani was still ongoing.

The Press and Publications Department continued to enforce bans on the publication of a number of books within the country. Books were banned based on religious, moral and political objections.

High taxes on media and tariffs on paper caused journalists to reduce the size of their publications. Journalists also criticized the Government for advertising predominantly in newspapers in which the Government owned shares.

The law provides foreign media operations freedom of expression and the Government did not block the entry of foreign publications during the year.

Radio and television news broadcasts were more restricted than the print media. The Government was the sole broadcaster of radio and television programs. Under commercial agreements with each entity, the Government broadcasts the regional programs of the British Broadcasting Corporation, the London-based Middle East Broadcasting Center, Radio Monte Carlo, and Radio Sawa. Jordan Television (JTV) reported only the Government's position on controversial matters. International satellite television and Israeli and Syrian television broadcasts were available and unrestricted.

The GID actively investigated Internet reports of "crimes against the King." In 2002, the Government restored access to two overseas websites that it had blocked within the country. There were additional reports of government interference with Internet access this year, including several websites that appear to have been blocked.

The Government limited academic freedom. Some academics claimed that they received frequent threats of dismissal. During the year, sources in the academic community claimed that there was an ongoing intelligence presence in academic institutions. In June 2002, three universities dismissed eight professors without explanation, although most suspected that the Saudi-educated professors were dismissed because of their political views or background. During the same year, four of the professors were reinstated.

During the year, Jordan University continued its policy of granting the president of the University the authority to appoint half of its 80-member student council, including the chair. The amendment was viewed widely as an effort to curb the influence of campus Islamists. Many students, including non-Islamists, continued to object to the University's decision.

Kuwait

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press; however, several laws empower the Government to impose restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press, and journalists practice self-censorship. With some exceptions, citizens are free to criticize the Government at public meetings and in the media. The Press Law prohibits the publication of any direct criticism of the Amir, official government communications with other states, and material that serves to "attack religions" or "incite people to commit crimes, create hatred, or spread dissension among the public."

In May, the Government presented a new draft press law that would severely restrict press freedom by giving the Government power to close printing presses, veto advertisements, suspend publication of newspapers, and subject articles to pre-publication censorship (a practice the Government banned in 1992). Local newspapers sharply criticized the proposed law. At year's end, the National Assembly had not voted on it.

In June, the Government filed charges against the publisher and editor in chief of a prominent newspaper for "challenging the authority of the Amir" after the editor in chief stated publicly that unnamed members of the ruling family were interfering in the parliamentary election campaign (see Section 3). The case has not yet gone to court. The Government, through the Ministry of Information, threatened to impose penalties against individual publishers and editors believed to have criticized government policies or discussed subjects deemed offensive to Islam, tradition, or the State. In December, police arrested, detained, and interrogated a citizen for producing and distributing an audiotape allegedly defaming the Prophet Mohammed's companions. The Public Prosecutor ordered the suspect to remain in police custody pending further investigation. A local newspaper reported that the suspect allegedly fell ill during interrogation and was admitted to a local hospital. At year's end, the Court of Misdemeanor sentenced the citizen to 1 year in jail and imposed a $3,500 (1,000KD) fine for "insulting the companions of the Prophet Mohammed."

The country has five Arabic and two English language daily newspapers. All newspapers are independent, privately owned, and free to report on social, economic, and political issues. Many frequently criticized government policies and officials, including the Prime Minister and Cabinet members. In June, an editorial in the largest-circulation Arabic daily openly debated the issue of separating the post of Prime Minister from that of the Crown Prince (see Section 3). In 2002, the National Assembly questioned the then Finance-Minister publicly on allegations of corruption in his ministry after a popular local newspaper published articles criticizing the minister and his conduct. Press accounts during the year that criticized the Government led to National Assembly members calling for formal question sessions of several Cabinet members.

The Government ended pre-publication censorship in 1992, but journalists still censored themselves. Direct press criticism of the Cabinet's foreign, domestic, and security policies continued.

In November 2002, the Government closed down the offices of and expelled independent Qatar-based Arab satellite network Al Jazeera on allegations of misrepresentation of information about Kuwait.

Publishers must obtain an operating license from the Ministry of Information to begin newspaper publications. Publishers may lose their license if their publications do not appear for 6 months, which prevents publishers from publishing sporadically. Individuals also must obtain permission from the Ministry of Information before publishing any printed material, including brochures and wall posters. There were no reported cases of the Ministry of Information denying permission to publish printed material during the year.

In December, security officials arrested a police officer for reportedly verbally and physically assaulting a journalist. There were no other specific reports of security forces subjecting journalists to violence or harassment during the year; however, in 2002, police confiscated film belonging to a press photographer covering a public disturbance. Police officials did not provide any explanations regarding the action taken towards the press photographer. In 2002, a police officer was sentenced to death for the 2001 killing of a news editor.

Fawwaz Muhammad Al-Awadi Bessisso and Ibtisam Berto Sulaiman Al-Dakhil, two journalists, were sentenced to life in prison in 1991 because of their work with a newspaper that published under Iraqi occupation. The Government deported one of the journalists to France during the year. The other reportedly departed the country in October.

The Government facilitated visas, established a press center, organized trips to closed military areas, and granted interviews to foreign journalists.

The law requires jail terms for journalists who defame religion (see Section 2.c.). The law provides that any Muslim citizen may file criminal charges against an author if the citizen believes that the author has defamed Islam, the ruling family, or public morals. Often, citizens filed such charges for political reasons.

The Government owns and controls local radio and television companies. Satellite dishes are widely available and operate without restriction. However, the Ministry of Information censored all books, films, videotapes, periodicals, and other imported publications deemed morally offensive. The Ministry of Information censored media for political content and did not grant licenses to political magazines. The General Organization of Printing and Publishing controlled the publication and distribution of all informational materials.

The Internet is available but access is limited. According to the latest U.N. statistics, there were approximately 120 personal computers per 1,000 people but only about 23 websites per 10,000 people and an estimated 50,000 Internet users. The Government imposed controls on Internet content in 2002 and threatened to shut down many private Internet cafes for noncompliance with new restrictive regulations. The Ministry of Communications issued new directives in 2002 to Internet service providers to block some political sites and some deemed immoral. Internet providers installed filtering technology. Following the 2002 raid of 19 Internet cafes, the Ministry of Communications requires cafe owners to obtain the names and civil identification numbers of customers and to submit the information to the Ministry upon request. The law provides for a $162,500 (50,000 dinars) bond.

The Constitution provides for freedom of opinion and of research, and states that every person shall have the right to express and propagate his opinion verbally, in writing, or otherwise. Academic freedom is limited by self-censorship, and academics were legally prohibited from criticism of the Amir or Islam

Lebanon

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government limited these rights in practice, particularly by detaining and charging activists critical of government policies and by intimidating journalists and broadcasters into practicing self-censorship. The Government censored television and radio broadcasts on a case-by-case basis.

Despite repeated attempts to restrict freedom of opinion and speech during the year, daily criticism of government policies and leaders continued. Dozens of newspapers and hundreds of periodicals were published throughout the country and were financed by various local and foreign groups. The press was privately owned, and press content often reflected the opinions of financial backers.

The Government continued to restrict radio and television broadcasts in a discriminatory manner. There were 7 television stations and 37 radio stations. The Government owned one television and one radio station; the remaining stations were owned privately. Inexpensive satellite television was available widely.

Although the Government did not censor broadcasts directly, government officials exerted pressure on journalists to practice self-censorship. In November 2002, the Government pressured the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI) not to air a talk show that was to include an outspoken opposition figure. During 2002, the Government also pressured the media not to report on the arrest in Syria of an al-Hayat correspondent.

The Government had several legal mechanisms at its disposal to control freedom of expression. The Surete Generale was authorized to censor all foreign magazines and nonperiodical works, including plays, books, and films, before they were distributed in the market. The law prohibits attacks on the dignity of the head of state or foreign leaders. The Government may prosecute offending journalists and publications in the Publications Court, a special tribunal empowered to try such matters. Moreover, the 1991 security agreement between the Government and Syria contained a provision that effectively prohibits the publication of any information deemed harmful to the security of either state. In view of the risk of prosecution, journalists censored themselves on matters related to Syria.

During the year, the Government continued to harass, abuse, and detain journalists. On March 12, Adonis Akra, author of a book entitled "When My Name Became 16: 15 Days in Detention," was banned from attending the signing ceremony at a book festival. Prosecutor General, Adnan Addoum, indicated that Akra signed a petition pledging neither to publish his book nor to participate in any advertising activity for the book. Akra was among those arrested during a 2001 opposition crackdown. Akra and the owner of the publishing house were referred to the Publication Court for harming the army, the judiciary, the political authority, and the country's relations with a sisterly nation. The court had begun a hearing process by year's end; however it was unclear when a verdict would be issued.

On July 23, upon instruction of the Prosecutor General, Beirut Public Prosecutor Joseph Maamari charged Amer Mashmushi, the managing director of daily al-Liwa, with defaming the President of the Republic. If convicted, Mashmushi could serve a sentence of up to 2 years imprisonment and a fine of up to $60,000 (90 million pounds). The case remained pending in court at year's end.

On November 3, Beirut Chief Investigating Judge Hatem Madi formally indicted self-exiled former general Michel 'Awn and charged him under Article 288 of the Penal Code for making statements unauthorized by the Government which could harm the country's relations with a sisterly nation, spreading false news abroad, aggravating sectarian tensions, and impersonating a high civilian government official when he testified before a foreign government. If convicted, 'Awn could face imprisonment for up to 15 years and be banned from returning to the country. The case was referred to court, which had not taken any action by year's end.

There were no new developments in the 2002 censorship lawsuits against the Saudi-owned daily Asharq al-Awsat and the International Herald Tribune (IHT) for a pro-Israeli advertisement of the Anti-Defamation League.

On February 21, the Beirut investigating judge issued a permanent search warrant to disclose the names of persons responsible for running a pro-Israeli advertisement in the IHT. The judge also dropped charges brought against the publisher and editor-in-chief of the local English newspaper Daily Star, who was the legal representative of IHT in the country.

In 2002, the Beirut Public Prosecutor filed a lawsuit against the chairman and news editor of LBCI for having "instigated sectarian discord and threatened civil peace" during its coverage of a shooting incident in which eight employees of the Ministry of Education were killed. The case remained pending in court at year's end. In 2002, the Beirut Public Prosecutor charged the Murr Television Station (MTV), its political news director, and the host of the "Referendum" political talk show with "broadcasting material whose nature is to damage ties to a sisterly nation" (Syria) and "assailing the dignity of the President, slandering the security services and undermining social order." At year's end, the cases against the news director and the talk show host remained pending.

At year's end, MTV and Radio Mount Lebanon (RML) remained closed. On April 23, the Lebanese Publication Court of Cassation ruled against reopening MTV and RML, marking the end of a series of appeals to reverse the September 2002 closure decision. Both had been closed in 2002 under the Parliamentary Election Law, which stipulates closure for broadcasting election propaganda during campaigns.

During 2002, State Prosecutor Addoum announced that he would examine declarations, including TV interviews and press statements, made by opposition members in the country and abroad after the Christian Maronite World Congress held in Los Angeles in June in search of elements which could incriminate them. This included statements about Syria and the Syria Accountability Act. Addoum ordered security agencies to gather information about opposition activities outside of the country.

There was no action taken in the 2001 cases of: Joseph Nasr, the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper An-Nahar; Rafi Madayan; and the weekly newspaper Al-Watan Al-Arabi.

In general, the Government did not restrict Internet access, and it was used widely.

The Government did not restrict academic freedom, and the country had a strong private educational system.

Libya

The Government severely limited the freedoms of speech and of the press. This was especially true with regard to criticism of Qadhafi or his Government. The occasional instances of criticism of political leaders and policies in the state-controlled media usually were government attempts to test public opinion or weaken a government figure who may be a potential challenger to Qadhafi. The authorities tolerated some difference of opinion in People's Committee meetings and at the GPC.

By year's end, the Government still had not responded to requests on the whereabouts of the journalist Abdullah Ali al-Sanussi al-Darat, who has been detained without trial or charges brought against him since 1973 (see Section 1.d.).

In October, the Government banned the newspaper Az-Zahf Al-Akhdar for 2 weeks following its criticism of Lebanese Shi'ite paries and politicians. Following the 2 week ban, a new editor was appointed.

The Government restricted freedom of speech by prohibiting all political activities not officially approved, by enacting laws so vague that many forms of speech or expression may be interpreted as illegal, and by operating a pervasive system of informants that created an atmosphere of mistrust at all levels of society (see Section 1.f.).

The Government owned and controlled the media. There was a state-run daily newspaper, Al-Shams, with a circulation of approximately 40,000. Local Revolutionary Committees published several smaller newspapers. The official news agency, JANA, was the designated conduit for official views. The Government did not permit the publication of opinions contrary to its policy. Such foreign publications as Newsweek, Time, the International Herald Tribune, L'Express, and Jeune Afrique were available, but authorities routinely censored them and had the power to prohibit their entry into the market.

The Internet and satellite television were widely available in the country. According to numerous anecdotal reports, both were accessed easily in Tripoli.

The Government restricted academic freedom. Professors and teachers who discussed politically sensitive topics faced the risk of government reprisal.

Morocco

The Constitution provides for freedom of expression; however, Article 41 of the anti-terrorist law as well as the Press Code permits prison sentences and financial penalties for journalists and publishers who violate its restrictions on defamation, libel and discussion regarding three topics: the Monarchy; territorial integrity, i.e., advocating independence for the Western Sahara; and Islam. The Press Code lists threats to public order as one of the criteria for the censor to consider. Within these limits, newspapers and weeklies were published across the political spectrum and were sometimes critical of government policies.

The Government controlled the media generally through directives and guidance from the Ministry of Interior. Publications that were judged offensive could be confiscated or indefinitely suspended. The Government may censor newspapers directly by ordering them not to report on specific items or events. The Government registered and licensed domestic newspapers and journals and could use the licensing process to prevent the publication of materials that exceeded its threshold of tolerable dissent. The Ministry of Interior controlled foreign publications by removing banned publications from circulation.

On May 21, journalist Ali Lmrabet was sentenced under the press code to 4 years imprisonment and fined $2000 (20,000 DH) for disrespect to the King, disparaging the monarchy, and challenging the country's territorial integrity. Lmrabet began a hunger strike before his trial, which he continued for 54 days. On June 17, his sentence was reduced to 3 years on appeal.

Five other journalists received sentences for various offenses. On June 5, Mustapha Alaoui, editor of the newspaper Al Usbua was arrested after his newspaper published a statement from an organization called Assaiqa that claimed to be involved in some of the May 16 attacks. The Government argued that his actions undermined public security. Alaoui, who was not jailed, received a 1-year suspended sentence, a fine of $50 (500 DH), and his newspaper was banned for 3 months.

Three journalists from the northern town of Oujda were arrested on June 10 for publishing an interview in the journals Al Hayat Al Maghribya and Al Sharq in which an alleged member of the extremist movement-Salafiya Jihadiya described the May 16 suicide attackers as martyrs and discussed the history of the Islamist movement in the country and its relationship with the DST. Two of the journalists, Abdel Majid Ben Taher and Mustapha Kechnini, were sentenced on August 4 to 2-year prison terms, but were free at year's end on appeal. Another journalist, Mohamed Al Herd, director of the Asharq newspaper was sentenced to a 3-year imprisonment in August for re-printing the interview linking the security services with the May 16 attacks.

On May 21, the Government banned under the provisions of the Press Code the publication of Lmrabet's weeklies, the French language Demain and the Arabic language Doumain, the Arabic language publication Al Usbua and the Arabic language publication Asharq, for articles or cartoons viewed as defaming the monarchy or violating the new antiterrorism law

The law requires the Ministry of the Interior to justify to the courts any seizure or banning of domestic or foreign publications, suspension of the publisher's license, or destruction of equipment. The law provides for 3 to 5 year jail sentences, fines, and payment of damages for newspaper officials found guilty of libeling public officials.

There were approximately 2,000 domestic and foreign newspapers, magazines, and journals in circulation during the year. The Government owned the official press agency, Maghreb Arab Press (MAP), and the Arabic daily newspaper, Al-Anbaa. The Government also supported two semiofficial dailies, the French-language Le Matin and the Arabic-language Assahra Al Maghribia. In addition, the Government subsidized the press through price controls for newsprint and office space. The Government generally tolerated satirical and often stinging editorials in the opposition parties' dailies. The media continued to engage regularly in self-censorship to avoid possible sanctions.

The Government owned Moroccan Radio-Television (RTM). Another major broadcaster was the French-backed Medi-1, which operated from Tangier. While nominally private and independent, Medi-1 practiced self-censorship, as do other media outlets. A government-appointed committee monitored broadcasts. The Government owned the only television stations whose broadcasts could be received in most parts of the nation without decoders or satellite dish antennas. Dish antennas were in wide use throughout the country. The Government did not impede the reception of foreign broadcasts during the year. In December, parliament passed an Audio Visual Law that is designed to encourage private investment in broadcast media.

During the year, the Government continued to block the publication of newspapers of the Islamist Justice and Charity Organization (JCO), Al Addle Awl Insane and Rissalat Al Foutuwa. The authorities blocked two of the JCO's websites at the same time and cut domestic access to them.

During 2001, the Government banned two publications: Le Journal and Assahifa. However, these publications continued to circulate with name changes from le Journal to le Journal Hebdo and Assahifa to Assahifa Al Ousbiya. Unlike in previous years, there were no libel awards to government figures during the year.

The press also published unflattering and critical articles that would have been censored previously. The press openly reported on topics such as government corruption and financial scandals, sensitive human rights cases, harsh prison conditions, torture, poverty, prostitution, violence against women, exploitation of child maids, and sexual abuse of children. There were also articles critical of Morocco's diplomatic efforts on the Western Sahara issue.

Books that openly criticized the country's past sold freely except for five related to disappearances and the regime of King Hassan II.

The Government did not block Internet access generally, apart from JCO's websites.

The Government restricted academic freedom. There was no open debate on the monarchy, the Western Sahara, and Islam. Government informers monitored campus activities, mostly Islamist, and the Ministry of Interior approved the appointments of rectors (see Section 1.f.).

Oman

The Basic Charter provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government generally restricted these rights in practice. The law prohibits criticism of the Sultan in any form or medium. The authorities tolerated criticism of government officials and agencies, particularly on the Internet, but such criticism rarely received media coverage. In practice, during the period covered by this report, there appeared to be an increasing level of tolerance in the media. Journalists and writers generally exercised self-censorship to avoid government harassment.

The Press and Publication Law authorizes the Government to censor all domestic and imported publications. Ministry of Information censors may act against any material regarded as politically, culturally, or sexually offensive. Editorials generally were consistent with the Government's views, although the authorities tolerated some criticism regarding foreign affairs issues. The Government discouraged in-depth reporting on controversial domestic issues and sought to influence privately owned dailies and periodicals by subsidizing their operating costs. There were five daily newspapers, three in Arabic and two in English. Arabic language dailies "Al-Watan" and "Shabiba" as well as English daily "Times of Oman" were privately owned. There are 32 magazines published in the Sultanate, according to the Omani News Agency.

In October, journalists announced the creation of the "Gulf Press Freedom Organization" (GPFO) which attempts to promote and defend a free press and human rights, and aid journalistic professional development in the Gulf and Yemen.

Customs officials confiscated videocassette tapes and erased offensive material, despite the lack of published guidelines regarding what was considered offensive. Such tapes may or may not be returned to their owners. Government censorship decisions were changed periodically without stated reason. There was a general perception that the confiscation of books and tapes at the border from private individuals and restrictions on popular novels eased somewhat; however, it reportedly has become more difficult to obtain permission to distribute books in the local market that censors decide have factual errors regarding the country (including outdated maps).

The Government owned four local radio stations and two local television stations. In general, they did not air any politically controversial material, although twice during the period covered by this report state television was allowed to broadcast public question and answer sessions between ministers and the Majlis Al-Shura. The Government did not allow the establishment of privately owned radio and television companies. The availability of satellite dishes has made foreign broadcast information accessible to those with the financial resources to obtain access to the dishes.

The appropriate government authority, the police, or a relevant ministry must approve public cultural events, including plays, concerts, lectures, and seminars. Most organizations avoided controversial issues because of fears that the authorities may cancel their events.

The Government, through its national telecommunications company, made Internet access available for a charge to citizens and foreign residents. However, it blocked certain web sites that it considered pornographic or politically sensitive. As use of the Internet to express views normally not permitted in other media grew, the Government took additional measures to monitor and censor it. The Government placed warnings on web sites that criticism of the Sultan or personal criticism of government officials was likely to be censored and could lead to police questioning, which ultimately caused some to practice self-censorship.

The Government restricted academic freedom, particularly regarding publishing or discussing controversial matters, such as politics. Professors may be dismissed for going beyond acceptable boundaries

Qatar

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government imposed some restrictions on these rights in practice. Journalists continued to practice self-censorship due to social and political pressures when reporting on government policies, the ruling family, and relations with neighboring states.

Citizens expressed many of their views freely and in public, though they avoided discussing sensitive political and religious issues. The larger noncitizen population did not express itself as freely or as publicly. The Government did not prosecute anyone for the expression of views considered offensive.

Three Arabic and two English daily newspapers are not state-owned; however, the owners or board members generally are either high-level government officials or have ties to government officials. Copies of foreign newspapers and magazines were censored for explicit sexual content.

Although personal criticism of government officials was rare, the performance of ministries was the subject of extensive reporting. During the year, the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Agriculture was publicly criticized for its decision to make insurance mandatory for small business owners, and its failure to provide adequate facilities for slaughtering animals.

The Censorship Office in the Qatar Radio and Television Corporation reviewed materials for pornography and material deemed hostile to Islam. There were no reports of political censorship of foreign print or broadcast news media or foreign programs.

Customs officials screened imported print media, videocassettes, and similar items for pornography, but no longer blocked the personal importation of non-Islamic religious items (see Section 2.c.). The law provides for criminal penalties and jail sentences for libel. All cases involving the media fall under the jurisdiction of the criminal courts.

State-owned television and radio reflected government views, but the private satellite television network, Al-Jazeera Satellite Channel (JSC), provided an internationally oriented perspective that JSC and the Government both claimed to be free of government influence. Although it is privately owned, since its inception, the Government has paid some of JSC's operating costs. JSC programs generally did not cover local news. Callers to a popular morning show on the state-owned radio frequently discussed topics such as government inefficiency and the lack of responsiveness by various ministries to citizens' needs, such as poor schools, failure to deliver adequate water and sewage services, and problems with the health care system.

More than 80,000 residents access the Internet, which was provided through the privatized telecommunications monopoly. The Government censored the Internet for political, religious, and pornographic content through a proxy server, which blocked websites containing certain key words and phrases. A user who believes that a site was censored mistakenly could submit the Web address to have the site reviewed for suitability.

The Constitution provides for freedom of opinion and scientific research; however, there was no tradition of academic freedom, and instructors at the University exercised self-censorship

Saudi Arabia

The Basic Law states that the media's role is to educate the masses and boost national unity and that it can be banned if it gives rise to mischief and discord, compromises the security of the State and its public image, or offends man's dignity and rights and the Government continued to restrict freedom of speech and press although there has been an increase in press freedom over a series of years. The Government sanctioned several journalists for articles and commentaries critical of the religious authorities and conservative Muslim theology, particularly after the May 12 terrorist attacks. Journalists also practiced some self-censorship, refraining from direct criticism of Government officials. There were no reports of journalists being imprisoned.

Newspapers reported on previously taboo subjects including political, economic and educational reform, women's rights, corruption, and religion. Newspapers carried stories about elections in neighboring Gulf countries, and reported on reform discussions within the country.

The press has some freedom to criticize governmental bodies and social policies through editorial comments and cartoons. During the year, both Arabic and English newspapers reported on domestic problems, such as abuse of women, servants, and children, previously not addressed by the media (see Section 5).

During the year, the Grand Mutfi issued a fatwa (religious ruling) denouncing incitement to violence and disparagement of other religions and in some instances, the Government has banned imams from speaking on political issues (see Section 2.c.).

The print media were privately owned but publicly subsidized. A media policy statement and a national security law prohibit the dissemination of criticism of the Government. The media policy statement urged journalists to uphold Islam, oppose atheism, promote Arab interests, and preserve cultural heritage. The Ministry of Information appointed, and may remove, all editors in chief. During the year, the Government removed the editor of Al Watan newspaper following a series of articles and cartoons criticizing religious authorities and questioning elements of conservative Islam. This editor was provided another position and later allowed to resume writing for the newspaper. The Government also provided guidelines to newspapers regarding controversial issues. The Government owned the Saudi Press Agency (SPA), which expressed official government views.

In February, the Government granted a charter to a professional journalists' association. The association began registering members, opening membership to all journalists in the country or abroad who have worked in the profession for three years or longer. Both men and women are members, and non-citizen journalists working in the country are eligible to join as non voting members. The association's stated goal will be to organize the journalists, coordinate relations with employers, support the development of job-related skills, and encourage innovation.

In the past, newspapers typically published news on sensitive subjects only after the information was released by the SPA or when a senior government official had authorized it; however, this was less common during the year. Newspapers routinely investigated and published stories on crime and terrorism without senior government prior authorization. Two Saudi-owned, London-based dailies, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat and Al-Hayat, were distributed widely and read in the country. Both newspapers practiced some degree of self-censorship in order to comply with government guidelines on sensitive issues.

The Government owned and operated the television and radio companies. Government censors removed any reference to politics, religions other than Islam, pork or pigs, alcohol, and sex from foreign programs and songs. There were several million satellite-receiving dishes in the country, which provided citizens with foreign broadcasts.

The Government was more open to media coverage than in the past. In March, the Majlis al-Shura allowed partial television coverage of its proceedings and allowed journalists to attend sessions. There was frequent coverage in the press of Majlis proceedings and votes. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs began regular press conferences for journalists. In February, in an unprecedented development, the government-owned Saudi television station was the first news source to break the story of the terrorist shooting of a British expatriate by a citizen. And following the May 12 terrorist attacks, the Saudi press carried timely and accurate coverage of the attacks and the subsequent government campaign against terrorism in the country. In several cases, government security agencies permitted journalists to film anti-terrorist operations in progress, which were broadcast on Saudi television.

Unlike in previous years, the Government permitted domestic newspapers to release stories about the country that were based on stories in the foreign press. Access by citizens to outside sources of information, such as Arabic and Western satellite television channels and the Internet, was widespread.

In the past, the Government restricted the entry of foreign journalists. However, during the year, it granted visas to a large number of international media professionals. The Government allowed foreign journalists and photographers, both male and female, to travel freely and to interview. In one case, police detained and confiscated the film of a reporter photographer for the English-language newspaper Arab News, who was covering an incident in which a dozen pilgrims were killed during the Hajj. The newspaper subsequently published an article criticizing the actions of the police.

During the year, newspapers published stories, editorials, and letters on education reform, both in support and opposition. In October, the Saudi Gazette published an article in which schoolteachers were interviewed who criticized the Government for revisions to the new school textbooks, including the removal of passages on dealing with Muslims and non-Muslims.

The Government banned all books, magazines, and other materials that it considered sexual or pornographic in nature. The Ministry of Information compiled and updated a list of publications that were prohibited from being sold in the country.

The Government censored most forms of public artistic expression and prohibited cinemas and public musical or theatrical performances, except those that are considered folkloric.

Access to the Internet was available legally only through local servers, which the Government monitored closely. There were as many as one million Internet subscribers. Some citizens attempted to circumvent this control by accessing the Internet through servers in other countries. The Government attempted to block W=web sites that it deemed sexual, pornographic, politically offensive, or "un-Islamic." However, such web sites were accessible from within the country.

There was a report that a university professor was banned from teaching and traveling for criticizing the Government's discriminatory policies against Shi'a.

Academic freedom was restricted. The Government prohibited the study of evolution, Freud, Marx, Western music, and Western philosophy. Informers monitored their classroom comments and reported to government and religious authorities

Syria

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press; however, the Government significantly restricted these rights in practice. The Government strictly controlled the dissemination of information and prohibited written or oral criticism of the Government. The Government also prohibited sectarian issues to be raised. Detention and beatings for individual expressions of opinion that violated these unwritten rules occurred. The Government also threatened activists in an attempt to control behavior. Journalists and writers practiced self-censorship.

The National Progressive Front's (NPF) Communist Party newspaper, The People's Voice; the NPF's Union Socialist Party's private newspaper, The Unionist; a private satirical weekly newspaper, The Lamplighter, which criticized politically nonsensitive instances of government waste and corruption; and The Economist, which was critical of government performance, were published during the year. In August, the Ministry of Information revoked The Lamplighter's license, claiming that it had failed to comply with the Publications Law. The Lamplighter believed it was closed because its editor, Ali Ferzat, published cartoons critical of Saddam Hussein in a Kuwaiti newspaper in February.

The print and electronic media at times were critical of the Ba'th Party and government performance and reported openly on a range of social and economic issues. Some Damascus-based correspondents for regional Arab media were able to file reports on internal political issues, such as rumored governmental changes, new political discussion groups, and the possible introduction of new parties to the NPF.

The media continued to broaden their reporting on regional developments, including the Middle East peace process. The media covered some peace process events factually, but others were reported selectively to support official views. The government-controlled press increased its coverage of official corruption and governmental inefficiency. A few privately-owned newspapers published during the year; foreign-owned, foreign-published newspapers continued to circulate relatively freely.

The Government or the Ba'th Party owned and operated the radio and television companies and most of the newspaper publishing houses. The Ministry of Information closely monitored radio and television news programs to ensure adherence to the government policies. The Government did not interfere with broadcasts from abroad. Satellite dishes were widely used and available.

The Emergency Law and Penal Code articles dealing with crimes against state security allowed the Government broad discretion in determining what constitutes illegal expression. The Emergency Law prohibits the publication of "false information" which opposes "the goals of the revolution" (see Section 1.e.). Penal Code articles prohibit acts or speech inciting confessionalism.

The 2001 Publications Law permits the reestablishment of publications that were circulated prior to 1963 and establishes a framework in which the National Front Parties, as well as other approved private individuals and organizations, would be permitted to publish their own newspapers. However, the law also stipulates imprisonment and stiff financial penalties as part of broad, vague provisions prohibiting the publication of "inaccurate" information, particularly if it "causes public unrest, disturbs international relations, violates the dignity of the state or national unity, affects the morale of the armed forces, or inflicts harm on the national economy and the safety of the monetary system." Persons found guilty of publishing such information were subject to prison terms ranging from 1 to 3 years and fines ranging from $10,000 to $20,000 (500,000 to 1 million pounds). The amendments also impose strict punishments on reporters who do not reveal their government sources in response to government requests.

The Government imprisoned journalists for failing to observe press restrictions. Official media reported that in December 2002, the Government arrested journalist Ibrahim Hamidi on charges of "publishing unfounded news" in violation of the Publications Law. It was believed to be an article in the London-based al-Hayat discussing the Government's contingency planning for possible hostilities in Iraq. Hamidi was released on bail on May 25 and the charges against him were pending at year's end.

In May 2002, the Government arrested Aziza Sbanni, Damascus Bureau Chief for the Lebanese newspaper The Editor, and her sister Shairen. The sisters were imprisoned until May when they were released without trial.

The Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance censored domestic and imported foreign press. Publication or distribution of any material deemed threatening or embarrassing by the security services to high levels of the Government was prohibited. Censorship usually was stricter for materials in Arabic. Commonly censored subjects included: The Government's human rights record; Islamic fundamentalism; allegations of official involvement in drug trafficking; aspects of the Government's role in Lebanon; graphic descriptions of sexual activity; material critical of Arab parties in the Middle East conflict; and material offensive to any of the country's religious groups.

The Ministry of Culture and National Guidance censored fiction and nonfiction works, including films. It also approved which films could or could not be shown at the cultural centers operated by foreign embassies. The Government prohibited the publication of books and other materials in Kurdish; however, there were credible reports that Kurdish language materials were available in the country (see Section 5).

Internet access and access to e-mail was limited but growing. The Government blocked access to selected Internet sites that contained information deemed politically sensitive or pornographic in nature and consistently blocked citizens' access to servers that provided free e-mail services. The Government has disrupted telephone services to the offices and residences of several foreign diplomats, allegedly because the lines were used to access Internet providers outside the country.

The Government restricted academic freedom. Public school teachers were not permitted to express ideas contrary to government policy; however, authorities permitted somewhat greater freedom of expression at the university level.

Tunisia

The Constitution provides for freedom of expression and of the press; however, the Government restricted these rights in practice. The Government used a central censorship office as well as indirect methods to restrict press freedom and encourage a high degree of self-censorship. The Government also uses the Press Code, which contains broad provisions prohibiting subversion and defamation, to prosecute individuals who expressed dissenting opinions. In a 2001 speech before his party, the ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD), President Ben Ali stated that although the Government must protect the right of citizens to hold dissenting opinions, those citizens who criticize the country in the international media were "traitors" who would be prosecuted to the full extent of the law. Direct criticism of government policies or officials was restricted, either directly or through self-censorship (Section 1.f.).

Abdullah Zouari, a former journalist for the an-Nahdha journal Al-Fajr, was released from prison in April 2002 after serving 11 years. He was rearrested in August 2002 for violating the terms of his "administrative control measures" (see Section 2.d.), which required him to stay "in the area of his residence" in a small town along the Libyan border, far from his family who lived in Tunis. In August, he again violated the terms of his release when he traveled with a foreign lawyer to meet with other former political prisoners and was rearrested. Several other Al-Fajr journalists allegedly remained in jail, serving sentences that were imposed in the early 1990s. The Government stated that the arrests, indictments, and convictions were carried out in full accordance with the law.

In 2002, the Tunisian Association of Journalists (AJT) released a widely disseminated report later denounced by the AJT leadership, strongly criticizing the Government's control of the press and information sector. Apparently responding to government pressure, the AJT's 2003 report contained almost no criticism of the present state of freedom of the press. At year's end, the Tunisian Newspaper Association remained expelled from the World Association of Newspapers because of its failure to oppose repression of freedom of the press.

Several independent newspapers and magazines--including several opposition party journals--existed; however, the Government relied on direct and indirect methods to restrict press freedom and encourage a high degree of self-censorship. Most Government restrictions on the media were designed to control information published internally. The international media had reasonably free access within the country; however, visiting foreign journalists sometimes complained of being followed by security officials.

As a result of growing competition from satellite broadcasters, the broadcast media was forced to update its programming to include the addition of differing points of view on international issues. However, this dialogue did not extend to national issues.

Print media was less tightly controlled than broadcast media. The Government owned and operated the Tunisian Radio and Television Establishment (ERTT). The ERTT's coverage of government news was taken directly from the official news agency, the Tunisian African Press. There were several government-owned regional radio stations and two national television channels. A bilateral agreement with Italy permits citizens to receive the Italian television station RAI-UNO; however, the broadcast of French television station France 2 remained suspended because of its critical coverage of the 1999 elections. The Government regulated the sale and installation of satellite dishes, and, according to recent official estimates, there were more than 200,000 in the country. However, other sources stated that a majority of households had satellite receivers, and at least 70 percent of the population had access to satellite broadcasts. Citizens viewed broadcasts of not only pan-Arab media like Al Jazeera but also independent stations focusing on North Africa, such as the London-based Al-Mustakillah and Zeitouna (maintained by an-Nahdha, the outlawed Islamist party) as alternative sources of news and political opinion. The Zeitouna website was also popular. Al Jazeera cited onerous government controls to explain why it did not maintain a presence in the country.

The Government continued to tightly control the radio airwaves; however, on November 7, the country's first private radio station began broadcasting. Although the station was allowed to engage in wide social commentary it did not enjoy the same freedom in the political sphere.

On November 19, Internet journalist Neziha Rejiba, who writes under the name Om Zied, received a $950 (1,200 dinar) fine and an 8-month suspended sentence for violating local currency restrictions. Rejiba noted that she was not in technical violation of the law, which was not routinely enforced. It was widely believed that she was singled out for her critical writing about local politics. The Government blocked access to the online magazine, Kalima, for which she is a contributing journalist.

On November 18, Internet journalist Zouhair Yahiaoui was conditionally released from prison after serving the majority of his 2-year prison sentence. Yahiaoui was arrested in June 2002 for spreading false information on his opposition web magazine TUNeZINE. The magazine had published an online conference on the May 2002 Constitutional referendum and asked respondents to vote whether they felt that living in the country was like living in a prison. He also was alleged to have posted a rumor of an armed attack against the President. Yahiaoui was considered the only secular (i.e. non-Islamist) political prisoner. Defense lawyers said they were given no opportunity to make arguments about his case in court (see Section 1.c.).

Opposition activists and international observers criticized the 2002 transfer of responsibility for the media to the Interior Ministry as superficial and designed to give the appearance of liberalization, with only cosmetic changes. The Government allowed newspapers published outside Tunis to provide copies for approval to local government offices instead of a central office located in Tunis. Newspapers were required to raise the percentage of journalists drawn from the government-run Institute of Journalism on their editorial staff from 30 percent to 50 percent.

Although no specific legislation directly allowing for government censorship exists, the LTDH 2003 Report on the Freedom of the Press noted that the Government maintained firm control over the independent press by controlling the placement of all ads in local newspapers and magazines, keeping subtle, but clear, pressure over the editors, reducing information to one single source (i.e. the local wire service or carefully orchestrated government press conferences).

The Government's strict psychological and legal control of the press continued to create a hostile environment for journalists. Primary among these methods was "depot legal," the requirement that printers and publishers provide copies of all publications to the Ministry of Interior and get a receipt before the publications may be distributed. On occasion, such receipts reportedly were withheld, sometimes indefinitely. Without a receipt, publications could not be distributed legally. The Government also reportedly withheld this authorization in order to prevent the circulation of books that it deemed critical of the Government.

In March 2002, the Government seized At-Tariq Al Jadid, the paper of the opposition party Renewal Movement when editors tried to print a story critical of the constitutional reform plan. The opposition Democratic Progressive Party (PDP) claimed that, in January and August 2001, copies of its government-subsidized newspaper, Al-Mawqif, were removed from newsstands because they contained articles critical of the Government. Publication of the Al-Mawqif newspaper was delayed on several occasions. During the year, Al-Mawqif returned to the newsstands, although on an irregular basis. Since 1999, the Government has not permitted the Tunisian Bar Association to publish its internal bulletin.

Human Rights groups criticized the selection of the country as the site of the 2005 World Summit on Information Society meeting because of the country's record on Internet freedoms and freedom of expression.

The Tunisian Agency for External Communications effectively imposed censorship by selectively withholding advertising funds. There were credible reports that the Government withheld advertising orders, a vital source of revenues, from publications that published articles deemed offensive by the Government. For example, after Hedi Yahmed's Réalités article on prison conditions, the Government pulled its ads from the magazine for a brief time, and in December 2002, Yahmed was forced to resign from Réalités (see Section 1.c.). The Government exerted further control over the media by threatening to impose restrictions on journalists, such as refusing permission to travel abroad, withholding press credentials, and imposing police surveillance on those who wrote articles critical of the Government.

In July, the Government amended the electoral code to prohibit citizens from talking about national politics on foreign radio or television channels during the 2-week campaign prior to national elections. The law imposes a $19,000 (25,000 TD) fine on violators. This was widely seen as an attempt to limit the impact of opposition party satellite broadcasts originating in London and to deter opposition leaders from criticizing the Government on foreign Arab media that have been unwilling to self-censor (like Al Jazeera).

The Press Code contains provisions similar to, but much broader than, libel laws that prohibit subversion and defamation, neither of which is clearly defined. The code stipulates both fines and confiscation for failure to comply with its provisions. The Government routinely used this method to prevent distribution of editions of foreign newspapers and magazines that contained articles critical of the Government.

Members of the security forces reportedly questioned journalists regarding the nature of press conferences and other public functions hosted by foreigners that the journalists attended.

The Government continued to refuse to allow AI's local chapter to distribute textbooks on human rights written for high school students. Like other publications, textbooks are subject to the "depot legal" process.

During the year, the Government selectively encouraged greater use of the Internet. Journalists and students were entitled to a 25 percent reduction in Internet usage fees. While there were an estimated 500,000 Internet users and 3 million subscriptions, the Government remained vigilant about monitoring e-mail and Internet content. It also frequently blocked websites and on-line publications containing information critical of the Government posted by NGOs, opposition parties, the media, and foreign governments, including a report on Internet use in the country by Human Rights Watch (HRW). The Government also closed several public Internet stations, citing complaints that minors were accessing "immoral" websites. The number of Internet cafes in the country dropped from 340 in 2002 to 260 during the year. Eighty were closed during a police sweep in June and July 2002. The Government used the Internet widely, with most government ministries and agencies posting information on readily accessible websites. The five Internet service providers in the country remained under the control of the Tunisian Internet Agency, which regularly provided lists of subscribers to the Government. Human rights activists alleged that the agency regularly interfered with and intercepted their Internet communications. The Press Code, including the requirement that advance copies of publications be provided to the Government, applies to information shared on the Internet (see Section 4).

The Government limited academic freedom. Like journalists, university professors sometimes practiced self-censorship by avoiding statements supporting the an-Nahdha movement or critical of the Government in the classroom. Professors alleged that the Government used the threat of tax audits, control over university positions, and strict publishing rules to encourage self-censorship. The presence of police on campuses also discouraged dissent. Professors must inform the Ministry of Higher Education in advance of any seminars, including the list of participants and subjects to be addressed. Copies of papers to be presented in university settings or seminars must be provided to the Ministry in advance.

United Arab Emirates

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech; however, the Government restricted this right in practice. The law prohibits, under penalty of imprisonment, criticism of the Government, ruling families, and friendly governments, as well as other statements that threaten social stability; however, the law was rarely enforced because journalists commonly practiced self-censorship.

Freedom of the press also was restricted. Two of the country's newspapers were government-owned and one, Al Bayan, received government subsidies. Privately owned newspapers no longer received government subsidies. The country's largest English- and Arabic-language newspapers were privately owned. Newspapers often relied on news agencies for material. Government-owned Emirates News Agency regularly provided newspapers with articles regarding domestic and international issues. This material was printed verbatim by most newspapers.

By law, the Ministry of Information licenses all publications. The ministry also approves the appointment of editors. The law governs press content and contains a list of proscribed subjects. Government officials reportedly warn journalists when they published material deemed politically or culturally sensitive.

A de facto ban prohibiting 10 prominent intellectuals from publishing opinion pieces in the country's Arabic and English language media continued. In 2002, 6 academics from Al Ain University were also banned. The ban was reportedly linked to the controversial Islamic fundamentalist political opinions held by those affected.

The government-owned Emirates Media, which published Al-Ittihad newspaper and owns Abu Dhabi's radio and television stations, forbids all its employees, including journalists, from speaking with representatives of foreign diplomatic missions without prior approval, although this rule was not enforced in practice.

While self-censorship affected what is reported locally, foreign journalists and news organizations operating out of Dubai Media Free Zone, reported few or no restrictions on the content of print and broadcast material produced for use outside the country.

Except for those located in Dubai's "Media Free Zone," most television and radio stations were government-owned and conformed to unpublished government reporting guidelines; however, these guidelines were not always applied consistently. Satellite receiving dishes were widespread and provided access to international broadcasts without apparent censorship. The main pan-Arab dailies were not censored and were distributed on the same day of publication. Censors at the Ministry of Information and Culture review imported newspapers, magazines, periodicals, books, films, and videos. They banned or censored before distribution material considered pornographic, excessively violent, derogatory to Islam, supportive of certain Israeli government positions, unduly critical of friendly countries, or critical of the Government or ruling families.

Internet access, which was open to public use with an estimated 1.11 million users, was provided through a state-owned monopoly, Etisalat. A proxy server blocked material regarded as pornographic or morally offensive, or as promoting radical Islamic ideologies, as well as anti-government sites. Generally, the proxy server did not appear to block news services, political expression unrelated to radical Islamic ideologies, or material originating from specific countries. However, it occasionally blocked individual news stories on news websites. Etisalat blocked AOL in the UAE because AOL offers a program that allows users to access censored sites. The Internet monopoly solicits suggestions from users regarding "objectionable" sites, and at times the Government responds by briefly blocking some politically oriented sites, which are later unblocked. The also blocks commercial "voice-chat" sites on the Internet.

Academic materials destined for schools were subject to censorship. Students were banned from reading texts featuring sexuality or pictures of the human body. In 2002, the Ministry of Education and Youth listed 26 books prohibited in schools, although the same books are widely available in bookstores. The Ministry also obligates private schools to comply with its censorship rules regarding curricula and textbooks. In 2001, over 60 employees of the Ministry of Education and Youth were either retired or transferred involuntarily, reportedly due to their extremist religious and/or political views. In 2002, six professors at UAE University, primarily political science professors, were banned from lecturing at the university, reportedly because of their extremist political views. At least one of them was also banned from publishing writings in newspapers.

In August, the Government closed the Zayed Centre for Coordination and Follow-up, a think tank that published and distributed literature, sponsored lectures, and operated a website. The center published some books with anti-Jewish themes such as "The Zionist Movement and its Animosity to Jews" and "Al Buraq Wall, Not Wailing Wall." It also allowed some anti-Semitic language on its website, and hosted some speakers who promoted anti-Semitic views. According to a statement from President Zayed's office, the Government closed the center because its activities "starkly contradicted the principles of interfaith tolerance" advocated by the president (see Sections 2.c.).

Yemen

The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press "within the limits of the law"; however, the Government influenced the media and restricted press freedom. Some security officials attempted to influence press coverage by threatening and harassing journalists. Although most citizens were uninhibited in their private discussions of domestic and foreign policies, some were cautious in public, fearing harassment for criticism of the Government. The Penal Code criminalizes, with fines and sentences up to 5 years in jail, "the humiliation of the State, the Cabinet, or parliamentary institutions," the publication of "false information" that "threatens public order or the public interest," and "false stories intended to damage Arab and friendly countries or their relations" with the country.

An atmosphere of government pressure on independent and political party newspapers continued at a lower level than in 2002, due to a reduction in cases of detention after a presidential amnesty to all journalists in July 2002. The Government dropped previous cases against journalists and media outlets but continued to use censorship and intimidation directed at journalists. Self-censorship was practiced despite the decrease in detention and prosecution.

The Ministry of Information influenced the media through its control of most printing presses, subsidies to certain newspapers, and its ownership of the country's sole television and radio outlets. Only two newspapers, the weekly Al-Shumu and the daily Aden independent Al-Ayyam, owned their own presses. The Government selected the items to be covered in news broadcasts, and it often did not permit broadcast reporting critical of the Government. The Government televised parliamentary debates, but it edited them selectively to remove criticism.

Press Law regulations specify that newspapers must apply annually to the Government for licensing renewal, and that they must show continuing evidence of approximately $4,375 (700,000 riyals) in operating capital. There were no reports of denied registrations during the year.

Although newspapers ostensibly were permitted to criticize the Government, journalists at times censored themselves, especially when writing on such sensitive issues as government policies toward the southern governorates, relations with Saudi Arabia and other foreign governments, official corruption, and combating terrorism. Journalists were subject to arrest for libel, dismissal from employment, or extrajudicial harassment. Editors-in-chief legally were responsible for everything printed in their newspapers, regardless of authorship. Some journalists have reported threats from security officials to change the tone and substance of their reporting. Journalists must have a permit to travel abroad; however, there were no reports that this restriction was enforced during the year (see Section 2.d.). During the year, the Government continues to enforce a 2001 circular prohibiting publication of information or news pertaining to the armed forces before "consulting" with the Ministry of Defense.

In 2002 the President issued an amnesty for all journalists in detention or awaiting trial. The amnesty directed the General Prosecutor to stop all cases filed against journalists awaiting prosecution. The orders also required journalists to pledge to discontinue reporting that went against the law, national norms, or national unity. The General Prosecutor dropped past cases. Some journalists claimed that most harassment came from the police, in particular the CID.

Unlike in previous years, there were no journalists detained; however, harassment and intimidation continued. For example, the Press Freedom and Press Training Center, an NGO that tracks human rights violations against journalists and newspapers, still had not received a license to operate, since it applied in 2002. The Ministry of Information on occasion confiscated specific issues of opposition newspapers that contained anti-government reports. In 2002, the PSO arrested Abdul-Rahim Muhsen, a journalist for the Yemeni Socialist Party's newspaper Al-Thawri, for writing articles critical of the Government. In 2002, Ibrahim Hussein, an Al-Thawri journalist, was also sentenced to 5 months in jail for violating the press law. Two weeks later, the PSO rearrested and imprisoned Hussein; he was held incommunicado for more than 2 weeks until release. The cases were later dropped pursuant to the President's July 2002 amnesty.

In January, the Sana'a Appeals Court acquitted Jamal Ahmed Amer in a 2000 case involving an article that criticized the Government of Saudi Arabia.

The 2001 case of al-Shumu's editor-in-chief Seif al-Hadri was dropped during the year.

All cases against Hisham Ba Sharahil were dropped pursuant to the President's amnesty: The 2000 case the editor of al-Ayyam who was charged with "instigating the use of force and terrorism" and "publishing false information" for publishing an interview with Islamic militant Abu Hamza al-Masri in 1999, and with "insulting public institutions" for publishing an article critical of the Director of Aden Security from the secessionist Movement of Self-Determination for South Arabia.

The Yemeni Journalists Syndicate defended freedom of the press and publicized human rights concerns. Critics claim that the syndicate was ineffective because it had too many non-journalist members who supported government policy. In 2002, the Press Freedom and Training Center, under the leadership of Mohammed Sadeq Al-Udaini, was established to document abuses against journalists and defend their rights; however, it still does not have a license to operate by year's end.

Customs officials confiscate foreign publications regarded as pornographic or objectionable because of religious or political content. There were some reports during the year that the Ministry of Information delayed the distribution of international Arabic-language dailies in an effort to decrease their sales in the country. Authorities monitored foreign publications, banning those that they deem harmful to national interests.

An author must obtain a permit from the Ministry of Culture to publish a book. The author is required to submit copies of the book to the Ministry. Officials at the National Library must read and endorse the text, and then it is submitted to a special committee for final approval. If a book is not deemed appropriate for publication, the Ministry simply does not issue a decision. Publishers usually did not deal with an author who had not yet obtained a permit. Most books were approved, but the process was time-consuming.

The Government did not impose restrictions on Internet use, but most persons claimed that equipment and subscriptions costs were prohibitively high. Teleyemen, a parastatal company under the Ministry of Telecommunications, and YemenNet were the country's Internet service providers. The Government did not block politically oriented web sites.

The Government restricted academic freedom to some extent because of the extreme politicization of university campuses. A majority of professors and students aligned themselves with either the ruling GPC party or the opposition Islaah party. Each group closely monitored the activities of the other. Top administrative positions were usually awarded to political allies of these two major parties. There were several clashes between GPC- and Islaah-affiliated students during the year, but no serious violence.